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| From the safe vantage point of 100 years hence,
Australia's birth as a nation appears almost drearily devoid of drama,
at least by comparison to the momentous events that led to the creation
of the United States. Certainly founding prime minister Edmund Barton's
Federation catchcry "A continent for a nation and a nation for a
continent" summons up considerably less blood than does Patrick
Henry's immortal "Give me liberty or give me death!"
Yet perhaps if the American colonies had possessed a few Bartons, a couple of Henry Parkes, one or two Samuel Griffiths and even a single Alfred Deakin, there might have been no need for Henry to deliver his courageous ultimatum in Virginia's House of Delegates, no need for John Paul Jones to shout his defiant "I have not yet begun to fight" from the deck of his burning ship during the War of Independence. |
Every man and his dog, but no women, turned out to
vote in the |
| Quiet statesmanship and dogged persistence
were to achieve for Australia what cannon and sword won so dearly for
the 13 American colonies.
Granted, Australia's founding fathers were not confronted with the same obstinacy and greed from Queen Victoria that the Yankees encountered in George III. In fact, as early as 1847, Earl Grey, the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, breathed life into what was to become the Federation movement when he suggested the creation of a "central legislative authority". No, if there was any obstinacy and greed at work blocking unification, it came not so much from the Mother Country but from the colonies themselves. Jealousies, petty and otherwise, reared their ugly heads. New South Wales became a free trade zone in 1873, while Victoria remained fiercely protectionist. The two colonies rubbed each other the wrong way, particularly along the Murray where every trip across the border entailed the tedious opening of bags for the Victorian customs officers to inspect. And if they found anything of value, there were customs duties to be paid. When the referendum on Federation eventually was held in Queensland in September 1899, Brisbane and Ipswich voted overwhelmingly against entering the new Commonwealth, fearing its infant manufacturing industries would be swamped by competition from Victoria and NSW. And in the opinion of Professor Ross Fitzgerald, chair of the Centenary of Federation Queensland, they had every right to be afraid. "That's precisely what happened," said Fitzgerald. "Those industries were swamped, which is why Queensland today has nowhere near the manufacturing base of Victoria, NSW or even South Australia." It might have focused the minds of "Australians" – a term that was not technically correct in the 19th century – had there been a serious external threat to the continent. But there wasn't. For all the periodic alarms about German, Russian and even Japanese expansion – Queensland, impertinently, actually announced its annexation of New Guinea in 1883 to head off a German "invasion" – the colonies were never genuinely menaced. "I fancy her very safeness from external attack is one of the reasons why Australia has taken its time over Federation," renowned English author Rudyard Kipling wrote in a letter to a friend in Adelaide. "If you want to hurry up Federation, you ought to make a syndicate to hire a few German cruisers to bombard Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane for 20 minutes; there'd be a federated Australia in 24 hours." |
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